Mawwage

Captura de pantalla 2013-03-27 a la(s) 7.14.14 PM
I stand by my analysis yesterday
and think that the hints we can derive, if any, from yesterday’s oral arguments and today’s strengthen my guess that we will be getting something that doesn’t “force” same sex marriage on states that don’t have it.

The Justices spent a lot of time trying to argue that it seemed odd that states that have almost equalized same sex relationship rights would be “penalized,” but they arguing with their own jurisprudence: laws are tested by the “state interest.” If the state has no other interest other than a name (or so they say), then they don’t have one and the test is not met. I get the common sense aspect of the question, but what does common sense have to do with Constitutional law?

Obviously, they are concerned about “overreach.” I support that because I don’t think the Court should be active in striking down laws where the democratic process isn’t skewed so their care in deciding whether this is such a case is appreciated even if I don’t think one can seriously argue that that has been the case (i.e., that democracy was working for gay people) up until the very recent months or weeks even with respect to this issue.

In both the DOMA and Prop 8 cases, the governments refused to enforce the laws. In both cases, we have unofficial representatives trying to enforce the law. Under California law, the question is slightly different because the initiative process (as disastrous as it has been for the state) was designed to allow the people to enact their own laws. Under federal law, I don’t understand how the Court, under its own rulings, can decide a question where there is no dispute—where the plaintiffs and the government agree on what the result should be. I have no idea how one house of Congress has any standing to defend a law, or, even how both would.

The check on this is not the Court. It’s either (a) impeachment of the attorney general or president, or, (b) elections [Edit: or (c) the passage of a law providing for an independent counsel of some kind, either over the veto of the President or not] If the court wants to be restrained and limited in what it rules on (which it sure seems to say it wants) then they need to quit seeing themselves as a check on the other branches in situations that aren’t cases or controversies.

That’s my opinion, but I still maintain that while precedent plays a role, it’s impossible to know what the Justices are really thinking and the most accurate way of predicting what they will do is what their known political orientation is. This strikes many people, especially in legal academia, as wrong. But is there really any doubt that if the only question to be decided was whether or not gay marriage was absolutely required under the Constitution, the result would be at best 5-4 or that even on the weasely issues there will be a majority stronger than 6-3?

If we take Kennedy at his word, the Prop 8 case gets dismissed, the lower court ruling stands and DOMA section 3 is invalid on a 10th amendment basis. If his “40,000″ children comment can be taken as an expression of his real views, then this covers all those bases on the most narrow grounds without even issuing another results-based standing decision.

This leads me to a discussion of an area of Constitutional law that is well known and widely studied, but never really seen for what it is, and that is the standing requirements under Article III. For decades this has been used as a vague excuse to avoid deciding issues not because it was unclear what the Court would do under precedent, but due to a murky judicial philosophy that they should only be deciding real cases. But then they do what they want the other way whenever they want. Also, finding some reason not to rule can be just as activist as not if you are avoiding upholding the Constitution or a clear precedent.

Sierra Club v. Morton is the most absurd example of this. The case was dismissed because, the Court said, the Sierra Club as a corporation didn’t have standing to assert any harm by the development of part of Sequoia National Park and, since their Complaint didn’t say any of their members wen there (guffaw), they had no standing. But, hey, the were allowed to amend their Complaint on remand!

What a waste of years and dollars and lives! Just to amend a Complaint. And then, a few years ago, they ditched ruling on whether the Pledge of Allegiance being amended in 1954 to include “under God” violated the Establishment Clause on a very strange standing argument.

In both cases, and potentially in both of the same sex marriage cases, the legal wise folk will tell us this is just how it is under the Constitution, as if, magically, Article III is the only part of the Constitution that isn’t subject to change or new rulings. Not true.

[Edit: A series of other possibilities include remanding the case for further proceedings—at least the Prop 8 case. I haven't read the decisions below, but perhaps the Supremes will clarify the standing rules and send it back down. This, in the end, I think means that it dies in a slightly modified version in the Ninth Circuit, an even more weasely way than I mentioned here before]

tl;dr They’re going to do whatever the hell they want, but I think they want to weasel out and leave it to the states.

SCOTUS And Prop 8.

I listened to the Prop 8 case arguments this morning. I find it disturbing that sweeping Constitutional decisions even have the appearance of being decided by an hour of argument. Of course they aren’t; the clerks buzz away in the chambers and the Justices think about them—and they read the copious briefing before them too.

Mostly, there is a pointless cat and mouse game going on not so much between the lawyers and the justices as between the justices themselves. Justice Kennedy was kind of all over the place. Dismiss the case? Limit it to California?

Most of the commentary seems to think Prop 8 is toast. I think that’s probably right, but the way in which it might be right might be very limited. And I would never put too much stock into what any Justice, especially Kennedy, says at oral argument.

Personally, I don’t care for the Article III argument just because it does seem to leave initiatives subject to veto by the Governor and Attorney General; but I hate initiatives, so I can’t get too upset about that. Also, lack of Article III standing doesn’t mean that the petitioners wouldn’t have standing in state courts. I dunno.

If forced to predict the outcome, I’ll say that Prop 8 is struck down narrowly. I think that this case along with DOMA is going to set up a situation where states have a lot of power to decide this issue, which is, maybe, how it should be, or at least a way for a divided country to function.

Red Dawn 1984 vs. 2012 And White America

When I was a kid, I loved Red Dawn (1984). I loved it because it was a gang of kids (admittedly about 10 years older than me) going around and blowing stuff up. I didn’t understand the unsubtle political references in the movie like how all of the registered gun owners got rounded up into what strongly resembles a concentration camp. I certainly didn’t get some of the more subtle points about fifth columnists. I got the basic point, though: some stuff in the world changed and the Commies invaded America.

It was violent and jingoistic. The violence was glorified since, after all, these guys were defending their homes. OK, their American homes. We sympathize. And they get to go around in the woods and play survivor man and war hero and no parents!

So, of course it was unrealistic on many levels. First, it’s hard to imagine anyone invading America without getting turned into a nuclear waste dump. Second, how on earth are the Cubans occupying some rando town in Colorado? But on another level, there is at least the plausible aspect of a huge war between the Soviet Union and America and a bunch of normal people becoming partisans.

It happens all the time in war. There were partisans in France and Poland and everywhere else that was occupied in World War II. There were partisans in Iraq when we were there.

So, they remade it because of course the remade it.

And in addition to showing how a basically bad movie could be made even way worse, it seems. Let’s face it: the world in 1984 was a bipolar nuclear arms race world where you could pretty much be on one team or another, especially if there was a war, no matter how stupid that sounds.

The 2012 version utterly fails at transforming the real 2012 into a world where the North Koreans of all people could have invaded the east coast and the west coast leaving, “Montana to Michigan and Alabama to Arizona” as “free America.” Ahh, one of those not so subtle political points! But the original story was a Chinese invasion, which, though less plausible than a Soviet one in 1984 still makes more sense than North Korea. (In the real world, this was because the Chinese objected to their being the bad guys in this. So, the Red Dawn people buckled to commies! O Tempora! O Mores! I mean, isn’t that delicious!)

And the actors weren’t even bad in a fun way the way Patrick Swayze, Charlie Sheen, Jennifer Gray, Lea Thompson, C. Thomas Howell, and Powers Booth were in the original. They just sucked. It was a lot of running around in a building and shooting guns. And it wasn’t fatalistic; not as many get killed, and they end up with a Pink Floyd/Braveheart scene at the end (or is it Starship Troopers?) where the little Amerrorist army is going to purify the homeland.

I went back and forth between just wanting to turn it off to wanting to laugh at it all the way through. I did.

But what this tells me about America, I think is a bit interesting. It’s that the “WOLVERINES!” mentality of some in white America is over. It’s just not plausible. It’s based on fantasy more than ever. The kind of warfare that would be necessary to invade America now would make your Boy Scout merit badge mountain man skills irrelevant.

I’m sure Vietnam syndrome was all over the 1984 version, but Iraq syndrome is all over this. Somehow, the lead character using some kind of logic to assert that he was the good guy in Iraq, and now he’s the bad guy… but now he’s the good guy—so was he the bad guy? Huh? There’s that—and the rampant tokenism of minorities that wasn’t present in the very white original. You see, in the right-wing mind, tokenism is the end of racism. Throw in a few symbolic blacks and it proves racism is dead, even if, like, 99% of that particular minority are screwed. Obama being presnit automatically makes black kids in inner city schools equal, at least until they start mooching and then they must be put in jail. Something like that. I’ve lost touch with my white trash roots and find this shit harder and harder to follow.

In 1984, you could suspend your disbelief. In 2012, there is no Soviet bogeyman. You have to live entirely detached from reality to engage in this kind of NRA Murica shit.

God damn that sucked.

False Equivalence

In this post-dialogue era, persuasion and argument matter even less than before. The 2012 election has been framed in terms of coalition power, not in terms of those in favor of the light welfare state winning the argument (and, as if there are no white men who benefit from it). Implicit in this is concession to the right-wing framing that those who voted Democratic in this election were only voting their material interests and weren’t convinced that the light welfare state makes America better.

In order to stand outside of the echo chambers of various opacity, the only solution seems to be repetitive, reflexive false equivalence and relativism. “Both sides” do it is the mantra of the mainstream press seeking ratings from everyone.

This refrain has now been carried over to the current conflict in Israel. There is moral equivalence between any given Israeli and any given Palestinian, but there is no moral equivalence between deliberately trying to harm innocent civilians and doing a bad job of it on the one hand and deliberately trying to avoid civilian casualties and doing a bad job of it on the other.

Somehow, because Hamas hasn’t done such a good job of murdering the school children it’s aiming at, and many of its rockets have fallen in empty space, it’s on some kind of equal footing with the IDF which has tried to kill those responsible for this and missed from time to time in the minds of enough people that most world leaders have to invoke this parallel while calling for a truce.

Nobody tolerates missile attacks on their population. Israel pulled out of Gaza, then Hamas took over, then Israel tried to stop its attacks, and tried to allow only non-military supplies to enter Gaza. Obviously, it has failed. Yet Israel is demonized both for conducting operations in its own defense and for trying to keep weapons out of Gaza.

This is not a defense of the Israeli right and their failure to stop expansion of settlement activity in the West Bank or to try harder to work a deal with Abbas, who might actually do something (maybe). It’s not a denial of the fact that the new right-wing coalition will probably benefit from this conflict, or that it will probably only polarize Gazans as well. But that kind of 11-dimensional chess talk can only be uttered from hundreds or thousands of miles away. It’s very clear that this is not a conspiracy, or a gambit, or some kind of devil’s pact being played out between the sides.

Indeed, Hamas is only proving Netanyahu’s argument that a Palestinian state in the West Bank without all kinds of IDF presence will be a disaster for Israel and everyone else. I don’t have a solution, but neither do those who make false equivalencies between the actions here.

 

 

Turn Off The Comments

Someone decided at some point that every Internet page needed a comment section and that it needed to load at the same time as the main content and that it needed to be minimally censored, curated, or rule-bound, that it could be anonymous or that you could easily lie about your name.

Some combination of ridiculous popular notions of “free speech” (which means, I can say anything I want to anyone with no consequences as opposed to the real meaning that the government can’t limit speech) and “community” seem to have combined to create this concept. My cynical side says these are put on to increase pageloads, time spent on site, and other Internet ad metrics. But good grief. For what?

But instead of bringing out the best in the Internet, it is showing its worst. It’s not just that there are organized campaigns out there by partisans to comment on every article of any prominence they disagree with, which is bad enough; it’s that there is some ill-defined psychological compulsion to spill all of the worst of our ids into these comments, especially when anonymous.

You can predict what they will be sometimes. Just pick an issue. The stock responses, followed by the stock counter-arguments to the stock responses. Is any one convinced? Probably the people with the stock responses who are more likely than anything to be trying to convince themselves the most.

Some people don’t want to hear the news, or if they want to hear it, they only want to hear it within their very narrow framework. Which is strange because to me the biggest indicator of bullshit is infallibility. Something that doesn’t have at least a few drawbacks or holes in it is almost never real.

So, with that, I commend to you Shutup.css which works with most browsers. Install it and be liberated from the comments.

PPACA

I’ve long held that the so-called “individual mandate” was, at worst, a tax. I think Chief Justice Roberts wrote a good opinion today. So here are my comments:

The law was Constitutional. It should have always been held as such because it was clearly within Congress’s powers, whether it was the commerce power or the taxing power. That four Justices seemed to care what it was called is puzzling. Why scrutinize a law if you’re going to accept labels?

The Chief Justice also proved that this is his Court, not Anthony Kennedy’s and not Nino Scalia’s. He wasn’t going to preside over its further descent into irrelevance. That’s sort of the interesting thing about institutions like the Senate and the Supreme Court: its long-term denizens seem to gain respect for it as an institution and see their own legacies bound up in it.

I’m not sure I understand the difference between activity and inactivity in a precise legal sense, but I am also not sure it matters. The law was upheld, and the other curious institution, the Senate, will ensure that it lives at least long enough to be implemented because, well, it takes 60 senators to repeal a law—and that’s even if Mitt Romney gets elected.

 

Good Faith in Politics

Colorado moves to reinstate Medicaid funding for circumcision. I don’t see this as anything other than an administrative issue. If you can’t see the difference between funding and/or not funding circumcision on the hand and banning the practice altogether, I probably can’t have a rational discussion with you.

Were they funding ritual circumcisions to begin with? I doubt it.

Religious freedom is just that. It does not include subsidy.

Page’s Folly

I can only speculate about what the thought processes are at Google headquarters. And speculate I will. But, I have to say, here are some objective facts: Eric Schmidt, an actual businessman, steps down as CEO so that inventor and co-Founder Larry Page can step in as CEO. Just a few months later, Google buys Motorola. Ostensibly for its patent portfolio.

But Google was just complaining about how lame it was to buy big tranches of patents a little over a week ago. Now they are buying Motorola for a book of patents? Should Microsoft and Apple claim Google is engaging in a conspiracy to deny them Motorola’s patents?

At best, Google’s messaging is about as good as a typical Democratic campaign. At worst, they are rudderless and scrambling to do anything to win in smartphones, something that I just don’t understand as ever being part of Google’s core business.

People are already suggesting this means that Google is agreeing that Apple’s unified software/hardware experience is superior. Everyone already knew it was superior. The only reason anyone thought otherwise was because Microsoft translated the fruits of a unified software/hardware interface and monopolized another platform. We think of Windows as the norm, but it was an aberration caused by a number of market distortions. If you’ve ever been frustrated making your software work on hardware—lack of drivers, just poor drivers, etc.—you already know this.

The downside, of course, is that there is a lot of “one-size fitting all.” With computers, that is not always such a great thing. I don’t think we need that kind of diversity in a phone, though.

I don’t know if this is good or bad for Apple or Microsoft, but I think it does expose the claims of Google having already dominated the smartphone market as propaganda. And so much of the media on tech these days is partisan in the manner of political news, with the companies being parties.

If you hate Apple, everything is bad for Apple and so on. Loyalty—to these companies—has trumped interest in what works, what is cool, and what is fun to own.

And that is sad.

The Family, The State, and The Individual

What about the individual?

Liberal theorists such as Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau and the drafters of the U.S. Constitution defined a Constitutional framework that set out the relationship between the state and the individual, not the state and its tribes, bands, or families. It’s all men that are created equal.

The premise that these social contracts rest upon is that individually, humans would be “in a state of nature” at war with each other. Instead, they choose to form a society. This is the social contract. It’s the basis of natural law. When the social contract is breached, individuals retain their sovereignty to renegotiate it. The U.S. Declaration of Independence is basically a legal complaint alleging a breach of the social contract. But this liberal theory is based on a  fraudulent premise.

Humans never lived alone in a state of nature. Even before the emergence of our species, we were social creatures. Only with the support of a modern state could an individual contemplate living along in the wild (probably only as an antisocial reaction to the state). The notion of individual supermen paying more than their fair share into the social contract–a sort of step-child of classical liberalism, today’s libertarianism–emphasizes and most depends on this antisocial and fraudulent premise.

A family unit is not made up of similar individuals who are more and less better at every task; rather, the unit is made up of different individuals who perform different tasks as a matter of course. This household setup, ironically, was much more common at the time of the Founders than it is today.

The U.S. Constitution sets out the relations between individuals, the people as a group, sovereign states, and the federal government. It confers rights on individuals (not on states–states have or dot not have powers, not rights). Powers retained by people collectively can theoretically be exercised by states, or withheld from them (theoretically). Mass rights in the Constitution include everything not reserved to the federal government, the right to assemble, the right to bear arms, the freedom from abridgment of privileges or immunities, the right to vote for representatives, senators, and electors for president and vice-president.

Individual rights are also numerous. Some believe that the right to bear arms is an individual right, not a mass one. (Based on the then-existing common law of England, it is likely that the right to bear arms was seen as both a mass and and individual right by the Founders).

But almost no one sees mass rights as an important Constitutional precept today, because, for the most part, people see the federal government as the government that does most of the work. Almost all of the rights are seen as either individual or as belonging to states.

While it is true that states have general sovereignty and the federal government has limited powers, neither has “rights.” Either a power may be exercised by one or both governments or not. To say otherwise is to use political, not legal, rhetoric.

So, where does our Constitutional system leave the family? Almost all family rights come from the due process clause of the 14th amendment in a series of cases that sprung from The New Deal Court. Most cases relate to the authority of parents over their children. Children cannot be forced to go against their religious beliefs in public school. Parents are entitled to raise their children as they see fit, unless there is extreme abuse or neglect. Men and women can choose to marry whomever they please regardless of race, but the federal Constitution (apparently) allows states to ban gay marriage, polygamy, cousin marriage and incestuous marriages, regardless of one’s religious beliefs about the propriety of these marriages. The Court has currently ruled that families have control over their reproduction and planning, though this may change and is limited.

In other words, almost all of a family’s rights are really derived from individual rights to religion, racial equality, and gender equality. Our Constitutional system speaks very little about the family directly.

And so the Cult of the Individual has triumphed for the most part. Marriages are often seen, on the one hand, as romantic wish fulfillment, or, on the other, as a temporary vehicle for legal, financial, tax, and benefit simplicity during the pleasure of the parties. Divorce, even when there are children, is seen as an individual right that requires no fault.

With the expectation of a fairy-tale romance and with the expectation of little sacrifice of individual autonomy, it’s no wonder most marriages fail. Despite the most contentious civil rights issue of the day being the quest for more marriages, more and more Americans believe that the institution is a relic and should be abolished.

Not a small amount of that pressure comes from singles who believe that society punishes them–especially in the tax code and other benefit considerations (even when it is sometimes the other way around).

But even if the state’s treatment of the institution were abolished, families would persist. They would just struggle more.

And that is the result of the Cult of the Individual created by our current politics. It is very easy to turn people against social programs when those social programs are presentable as benefits for others whom the individual voter may never meet, never see, who act differently, have different values, and may do nothing we like at all. It is also hard to see how the difficulty we face paying for those programs every month makes any difference in the vast ocean of social ills out there.

But The Cult of the Individual goes too far. It pits us against each other in an antisocial pathology and is based on the fraud that all humans are lone wolves.

Between antisocial libertarians, Malthusian liberals who believe the population is out of control, postmodern liberals who see all of this discussion as a relic, and conservatives seeking to control and strictly limit the shape the family takes, the family is under assault in the United States from all sides.

 

The Inevitability of the Indispensable Family

Long before there were governments and nations, there were families. In fact, our nearest cousins in the animal world, chimpanzees, also socialize in family units. Family units remain the most important political unit in the world to this day. The Family has resisted the mightiest of empires.

In Ancient China, one emperor attempted to replace family land tenure with the land distribution allocated by the state. For his efforts, he was executed by being quartered by four chariots. In the 20th Cenutry, two of the top three worst despotic regimes in history–Maoist China and Stalinist Russia–both attempted similar collectivization at the behest of the state, and both ultimately failed. Deng’s reforms in the 70s saw the return of the family, as did the easing of Stalin’s grip on Russia.

Similarly, the autonomous family unit’s willing alliance into tribal units has resisted empires as well. The tribal relationships of Afghanistan have failed to dissolve under immense pressure from numerous outside would-be conquerors, including the British, Soviets, and, in the case of the Americans, would-be state builders. All kinds of economic theory notwithstanding, no amount of money has been able to overcome these innate, biological bonds. At least yet.

Most other major nations were founded only after the tension between the family unit and the state was more carefully negotiated. In much of the world, states had to come about for mutual defense–but never pretended to override the family totally.

One extended family in particular has survived thousands of years with only occasional self-rule: that of the Jews. The Bible is an amazing record of the evolution of the family of Abraham into the Empire of Solomon and back to the isolated units of the diaspora. Taken literally, the Bible tells this story in a straight forward manner. Applying critical studies techniques, we can see layer upon layer of subtle reinforcement of this story.

Starting with the House of Abraham, a pastoral band comprised of Abraham, his wives, children, retainers, and servants where the faith is first established, we see the development of a confederation of extended family units linked in part by lineage and in part by religion brought down to Egypt, where their own self-identification becomes a source of their exclusion from being Egyptian, and the source of their formative experience: the exodus. Here, even larger tribal units are congealed under the stress of flight and the glory of conquest. After their arrival in Israel, however, no strong leadership exists. There is no state per se. Only an occasional military leader, a “judge,” arises in time of stress.

It is not until the constant threat of the Philistines on the coast that a sovereign with authority over all of the tribes comes. Yet neither David nor Saul nor Solomon are unchecked despots. The prophets and the broader established priestly class, as well as the pre-existing tribal units, serve as a check on these kings. The extended kingdom or empire of Solomon falls apart along tribal lines in the end.

Ultimately, this is all torn asunder by even more powerful empires from the east.  Most of the Israelites are lost, but the Jews persist, and persist to this day. Why is that? Because their family units and extended family units could not be broken. Not by Nebuchadnezzar, not by Antiochos, not by Hadrian or Titus, not by Torquemada, not by Khmelnytsky or Hitler.

The credit for this miracle inures to the Jewish people, but in part it’s consistent with nature too. But is there something in the Jewish religion that makes this coherence even harder to tear asunder? Though there are similarities in the institutions of India and Europe (and in other places), I can speak to one aspect of Judaism that is a possible source of this resilience. Though not preached by all Jewish authorities, there is a strain of thought present in just about all periods of Jewish history demanding that moral considerations trump political considerations; moral considerations trump economic considerations; and they even trump religious considerations in terms of belief, ritual, and the relationship to the divine. A famous story from the Talmud:

“If the law agrees with me, let it be proved from Heaven.” A divine voice came forth and said:  “Why do you dispute with Rabbi Eliezer, for in all matters the law agrees with him!”  But Rabbi Joshua rose to his feet again and exclaimed:  “[The law] is not in heaven” [Deut. 30:12; implying that the divine law is now in human hands and open to human interpretation regardless of God’s position].  Some time later, Rabbi Nathan met the prophet Elijah and asked him:  “What did the Holy One, blessed be He, do when rebuked by Rabbi Joshua?”  Elijah replied:  “He laughed with joy saying ‘My children have defeated me, my children have defeated me.’” (Emphasis added.)

God is happy that the Rabbis refuse to listen to him! Even God is not a totalitarian in Jewish tradition. So much the more (kal v’komer) that no king could be!

The state can try to atomize these bonds, but it hasn’t figured out how to do it. Let’s hope it never does. But it might be getting closer. Some prior attempts to dissolve the bonds have family have proceeded (either intentionally or unintentionally) along the notion that man is homo economicus and that he will always seek to maximize his economic gains, and “rationally.” In other words, either bribe people out of it (e.g., the US in Afghanistan), or starve people to death and offer them bread in exchange for abandoning their kith and kin (e.g., Mao).

Perhaps the most successful assault on the family unit is underway right here in America—and everywhere else that the Neoliberal economic order has become the de facto religion. Yet we are distracted from the source of the threat. Certainly, it does not come from gays trying to create their own families. It does not come from any of the sources that seem to be blamed. Abortion is often blamed. But it seems to me that, of all of the complications involved in that issue, contending that it weakens families seems among the more spurious. Unwanted pregnancies rarely create stable family units, whatever else they may do. Alternative lifestyles also seem to be blamed. Ironically, one of the most contentious issues of the day is the desire of gay Americans to make more families. If the issue were institutional support for promiscuity or permanent singlehood, I would be against it.

Feminism is blamed, but how can we demand submissive Stepford wives when most families need the mothers in the workplace now? Divorce is also often blamed, but this seems like saying death is the cause of the fatal illness. What makes divorce occur?

The decay of religious institutions, especially mainline Protestant denominations, in the last decades has corresponded with a rearrangement of the family unit into one not based on economics and moral reasons together, but one based on economic reasons only, while at the same time the belief in finding the perfect spouse for romantic reasons has increased. This tension between reality and practice has created a difficult cognitive dissonance for marriages to overcome.

And what has replaced religion? Some secular faith in the American Constitution? Hardly. A kind of economic religion has, based on the god called the “invisible hand.” The American worker has become more and more productive, yet has not seen an inflation adjusted raise in decades. Worse, American families largely depend on two working parents if they hope to see enough income to support a family unit.

The economic upheaval of this period has also forced families to move far apart from each other. Some places, like Hawaii, have become places where children remaining near their families is almost impossible after graduation from high school due to limited economic opportunity, high cost of living, and other factors. If it weren’t for modern travel and communications, the persistence of family units beyond the most nuclear elements would be impossible. Even with them, extended-family get togethers are often infrequent and focused on major life-cycle events like births, weddings, graduations, and deaths—with closer families getting together on holidays.

The economic establishment has chafed at and resisted attempts to make the workplace more family-friendly. Very few American workers have access to paid family leave; indeed, most have no access to paid time off of any kind. Advancement is problematized by family commitments, including pregnancy. And, again, the ever-accelerating number of different jobs American workers will have in their life makes what benefits they do have less and less portable. Daycare, though not the best option, is expensive and out of reach for many.

Reforms providing solutions to these problems would be branded as “socialistic.” In some literal sense, that might be true. But in the sense of resisting the kind of totalitarian state associated with “socialism” and other “-isms” nothing could be further from the truth; nothing could do more to resist a totalitarian state than the strengthening of the family unit as a political, moral, and economic unit.